The Ara Pacis Augustae and Augustan Propaganda
“When I returned from Spain and Gaul, in the consulship of Tiberius Nero and Publius Quintilius, after successful operations in those provinces, the senate voted in honour of my return the consecration of an altar to Pax Augusta in the Campus Martius, and on this altar it ordered the magistrates and priests and Vestal virgins to make annual sacrifice” (Augustus).
On July 4th, 13 BC, the Senate decreed the erection of the Ara Pacis to celebrate Augustus’ successful return from Spain and Gaul. The completion of the Ara Pacis took three and a half years and so on January 30th 9 BC the dedicatio, or official inauguration took place. The Ara Pacis Augustae (Altar of Augustan Peace) is a dedication to the newly attained peace achieved from Augustus’ expeditions in the Roman provinces of Gaul (France) and Hispania (Spain). It functioned as a place to perform ritual sacrifices to the gods. However, it served a much broader purpose since it was one of many sites dedicated to Augustus that was embedded into his propaganda. In Randal Marlin’s book, Propaganda and the Ethics of Persuasion, he argues “Propaganda can be carried out in verbal and nonverbal means, or by means that give extension to ordinary forms of verbal communication” (Marlin 51). Augustus certainly was a master of propaganda and he used a variety of methods to achieve his status. The Ara Pacis asserts the legitimacy of Augustus in a variety of methods. As will be seen, the Ara Pacis reinforces Augustus’ power on several levels. However, in order to understand the Ara Pacis as a tool for propaganda, it is necessary to understand Augustus and his rise to power.
Augustus was the first Roman Emperor and did much to transform the republic into his empire. He features prominently in all areas of Roman society from the head of the religious order to a patron of the arts. The effect that Augustus had upon Roman society and its subconscious cannot be underscored as he thoroughly and successfully perpetuates himself in these areas. His role in the history of Rome is remarkable in that he came from relatively humble origins yet became the most powerful person in the empire.
Augustus was born Gaius Octavius Thurinus on September 23rd 63 BC in Rome. His early life is unremarkable; he was a plebian and accordingly he did not have much influence despite his mother’s family being of the higher class of patricians. In 47 BC he was elected to the college of Pontiffs. This event became influential toward Octavian since as was seen later in his career, religion would be a very important factor in his life.
Octavian did not become especially distinguished until Julius Caesar’s assassination in 44 BC. At the time he was undergoing military training in Illyria (Albania) and, against his contemporaries counsel, he sailed to the Italian mainland to learn if he had any inheritances or political opportunities. Upon arriving in Italy Octavian learned that he was made the son and political heir of Caesar’s estate. Since Julius Caesar would later become deified in Roman society and so when Octavian adopted his great-uncle’s name, becoming Gaius Julius Caesar, he in effect was asserting that he was the son of a god. This relation would later be reinforced by Augustus’ self-portrayal in the Ara Pacis.
However, at this time he was far from being perceived as being the son of a god. The power vacuum that resulted from Julius Caesar’s assassination left two camps competing for power. Despite the competition between Augustus and the late Julius Caesar’s best friend, Mark Antony, the two were united in their opposition to the Senate and the assassinators of Julius Caesar. To fight the leaders of the faction that assassinated (or committed tyrannicide) Caesar, an alliance was formed between Augustus, Mark Antony, and Consul Marcus Aemilius Lepidus. The Second Triumvirate successfully defeated the faction headed by Caesar’s assassinators at the battle of Philippi in 42 BC. Although the Second Triumvirate was then the single most powerful faction in Rome, it was divided primarily between Augustus and Mark Antony with Lepidus being relegated to the periphery of political life. Neither Augustus nor Antony attempted to restore the republic and eventually in vying for supremacy of the Roman state they fought the decisive battle of Actium, which resulted in an overwhelming victory for Augustus. This victory is an example of Augustus’ taking advantage of his self-fashioned image. Antony was a capable leader but he suffered from the disenfranchisement of his soldiers. Antony was viewed of as being under the sway of Cleopatra and was seen less and less of as a Roman consul but as a foreign head of state. In contrast, Augustus was seen as the ideal Roman leader. He was trying to unite a fractured Rome, restore the glory of Rome, and was in name the son of a god.
Following the battle of Actium, Augustus restored the illusion of the Senate, but in reality he began to seize power from different levels of Roman society. He did not want to be seen as a dictator; even when the Roman people entreated him to take the position. Image features prominently in Augustus’ policies. A position of dictator would deligitimize much of his efforts. Instead, Augustus adopted the political title of princeps, which argued that he was the same citizen as everybody else, but the first citizen. He was essentially the first among equals. As the most powerful person within the empire, he used his power to further his political and social agenda. Among the first things that he did was the consolidation of power. He gathered all of the most important positions within the empire. Besides the leader of the now professional standing military he also became the Pontifex Maximus and the Princeps, the highest position religiously and politically, respectively.
The titles Augustus assumed are just several of the examples of Augustan propaganda. The Ara Pacis that I will focus upon was not just an altar to peace or a site to perform sacrifices, but was rather a complex instrument to glorify Augustus and legitimize the Julio Claudian dynasty of Emperors that he would found.
The monument itself was placed initially in the Campus Martius. The Campus Martius was the newly opened field that was dedicated to the god of war, Mars. Originally the Roman military performed their exercises there but it also contained several other sacred sites besides the Ara Pacis. The location of the Ara Pacis within this field has a special relation geographically between itself and an obelisk adopted by Augustus from Egypt in 10 BC. On Augustus’ birthday, September 23rd, the shadow from the obelisk would point directly toward the Ara Pacis. This is by no coincidence and served to reinforce Augustus’ image and memory in the Roman people.
However, within a few decades the accuracy of the sundial became compromised and it no longer pointed toward the Ara Pacis on Augustus’ birthday. The originally well-planned location of the Ara Pacis was even further compromised since it was within the Campus Martius that, while important symbolically for the Ara Pacis, was also within the floodplain of the Tiber that flowed nearby. The Tiber often breached over its banks in the spring and inundated the plain around it with its waters. The real problem of this lies with the soil and sediments that the river would bring into the plain. Since it deposits so much soil upon the Campus Martius, the ground level of the field gradually becomes higher and covers over monuments left there.
By the time of the Emperor Hadrian in the 2nd century AD the Ara Pacis risked being covered over with the incoming soil. Hadrian, because he was so devoted to the memory and tradition of Augustus, had a protective wall built around the Ara Pacis to protect it. However, the wall proved ineffective to protect the Ara Pacis after more than a few decades and by the time of the decline of Roman Empire in the fifth century it was completely covered over.
The Ara Pacis remained in this condition until the Renaissance when an interest in the Roman and Hellenistic periods led to the rediscovery of many ancient monuments. The first pieces of the Ara Pacis were found in the 16th century but at the time it was not known that they belonged to a single monument. This occurred in the 1840’s, when a combination of clues from the “Res Gestae Divi Augustus” and the discovery of more pieces prompted historians to suppose these pieces had a single source. But, these excavations were cut short because part of the Ara Pacis was under a historical palace, and further work could not continue without compromising the supporting structure of the building. It would take until 1937, 2,000 years after the birthday of Augustus, before the Ara Pacis could be fully excavated and revealed.
In 1937 under Mussolini’s Fascist Italy a project to excavate the Ara Pacis was undertaken using a new technology of freezing the ground. The Palazzo Fiano under which the Ara Pacis resided needed to be shored up by concrete trestles. With that obstacle out of the way, a circumference around the area was frozen by pumping liquid carbon dioxide into the dig site thereby creating a perfectly dry site that had no danger of self-collapsing from unstable ground soil saturated with water. Mussolini, who saw himself as the modern counterpart to Augustus was able to attend the reopening of the Ara Pacis on the last day of Augustan year.
Since then, the Ara Pacis has been moved to be housed in a new enclosure created by American Architect Richard Meier and has been open since April 2006. The new location is just west of the Mausoleum of Augustus. The museum enclosing the Ara Pacis that Richard Meier designed has proven to be controversial: some people love its design and function but there are many that strongly dislike it and have called for its removal. This past summer there was talk of tearing down some of the museum’s walls but such plans have since been abandoned. Currently there are no plans to alter the museum designed by Richard Meier.
II.
Approaching the Ara Pacis, one finds it within an almost square enclosure adorned with various panels, each depicting an episode of mythological Roman history or an idealized vision of future Roman society. To both ancient and modern viewers, the complexity of these exterior panels demands a walk around the structure. Viewing the whole structure’s exterior not only gives the viewer a better visual of the structure as a whole but also circumambulates the viewer, which was a religious practice that gave deference to the gods. It is debatable as to whether or not Augustus had this in mind but it would certainly add to the sanctity and respect given to the monument.
The exterior is divided into two registers; a bottom vegetal frieze depicting a repeating floral pattern and an upper section that consisted of friezes that each depicted a stage in Roman history or society. Separating the two sections is a repeating swastika motif. This motif can have several different meanings. The motif was widely used in Trojan contexts and could therefore refer to Rome’s Trojan heritage. Yet it can have other meanings as well. In religious contexts it symbolizes the sun and the vital energy provided. Rossini Orietta argues that it is “very significant both in consideration of the forms of the Augustan propaganda, and also within the more limited context of the Ara Pacis, where the meander is used to demarcate the level of the representation of nature…from the human and mythical universe depicted above” (Orietta, 22). I saw this swastika motif and in considering its location in relation to the sections above and below it I thought that it suggested a kind of divine transition from Nature to a society created by Augustus.
The lower vegetal frieze not only depicts a repeating floral pattern but also a variety of wildlife. If one looks closely one can distinguish twenty animals. Everything in the Ara Pacis has significance on its own and on another level with everything else. I did not think too much of the frieze at first other than noting its diversity and intricacy. However I later reflected upon the possibility of it showing the start of a transition from wild chaotic nature to a society under Augustus. Orietta holds a similar view; “The altar, examined starting from its vegetal foundations, becomes a kind of hymn to the cosmic necessity of the existence of Augustus” (Orietta, 88). This view certainly makes sense and ties in with the flow of the Ara Pacis, but other plausible theories exist as well. Paul Zanker asserts that a double point of view is necessary: up close the viewer sees a world governed by pre-human laws, yet when observed as a whole the composition reveals a carefully planned design with a ratio of balanced elements and repetitions (Zanker 1989). This view also makes sense but I doubt that Augustus would have meant for the Ara Pacis to be so complex; he wanted it to be readily understood by the entire Roman populus.
Moving upwards, the viewer comes to the panels. Like the vertical direction of attention implied by the vegetal frieze towards the panels, the panels likewise suggest a direction of attention. The two panels at the entrance depict the mythological founding of Rome and the two at the entrance depict the idealized peaceful future of Rome. Moving from that, the long processions along the sides of the enclosure depict Augustus’ triumphant return from the provinces, or more likely, the actual inauguratio of the Ara Pacis. Upon viewing these faces the observer is drawn into the Altar itself where the sacrifices took place.
The rightmost panel at the entrance depicts Aeneas with two attendants and his son, performing a sacrifice to the Penates, the household gods. The symbolism of this has a special significance since Augustus was very keen on religion. He was the pontifex maximus and throughout his reign religion and morals were a key part of his propaganda since it reinforces his attention to morality and piety. Also, Augustus was supposedly descended from Aeneas, which would give the panel more significance since it in effect argues that Augustus is the legitimate heir to the founding of Roman religion and society. Orietta also supports this view: “The panel with Aeneas therefore embodied the convergence of religious and political circumstances…that came into being with the election of Augustus to the pontificate” (Orietta).
Another interpretation of the panel depicting Aeneas is that the central figure is not Aeneas but rather Numa Pompilius, the second king of Rome. Numa known for developing Rome into a more peaceful, civil, and virtuous society. His predecessor, Romulus, who was known for his belligerence and lawlessness, contrasts his rule. It makes sense that the figure could be Numa, who ties in with the other themes of the Ara Pacis such as peace and order, however, I along with most historians believe that it is Aeneas and not Numa.
The corresponding panel of the western entrance to the Ara Pacis is much less complete but also less controversial and also depicts an episode of the mythological founding of Rome. In the panel, the Roman god of war, Mars, frames the scene where the infants Romulus and Remus are suckling the she-wolf. The fig tree in the background is symbolic of fertility. When I first saw the other figure to the right of the fig tree I recognized him as Faustulus, the shepherd that raised Romulus and Remus. Yet, like many other figures on the Ara Pacis, his presence has several levels of significance. Faustulus was not Roman but an Arcadian. His peaceful presence and relationship toward the twins symbolically shows the peaceful relationship the Romans had with the surrounding peoples. With these glimpses at the mythological founding of Rome, the viewer is reminded of the original state that Rome was in, and upon seeing the panels on the opposite side, the viewer is given a glimpse at the destiny of Rome achieved through Augustus and the Roman virtues he promoted.
In positioning the panels the way he did with the separation of the processions Augustus was showing how through him and his efforts and vision Rome would be glorified. The Tellus panel on the opposite eastern side shows this. Compared to the Spartan image shown with Aeneas, the Tellus panel depicts a much more prosperous scene. The swan in the panel is symbolic of Apollo and with the corresponding sea serpent on the opposite side shows the sky and sea flanking the central figure. This central figure ‘s identity is debatable since she can represent a number of different plausible characters. Her face closely resembles that of Livia, Augustus’ wife, but the most common interpretation is that of Tellus, otherwise known as Mother Earth. Previous interpretations include a personification of Italy (Van Buren 1913). The panel is commonly called the Tellus panel but recently other theories have been proposed. The figure understood as Venus Genitrix is well supported by the strong iconography and would complete the mythological cycle of the Ara Pacis; Aeneas’ divine mother is not pictured in the Aeneas panel and her positioning in this panel has special significance in being the ancestress of the gens Iulia in which Augustus and his family is embedded. (Galinsky 1992).
The figure could also be Pax Augusta bestowing prosperity and peace (Zanker 1989). This would solve the problem of having an altar devoted to peace without actually having Peace personified. By the same token, in promoting the image of peace and prosperity, the figure can also be Ceres, the patron goddess of harvests and men’s fertility (Spaeth 1994). I thought that Tellus embodies peace well enough and her presence with the two children who can probably be Gaius and Lucius Caesar shows the future prosperity of a society under Augustus’s descendents.
On the other end of the eastern side of the enclosure is the panel of Roma. The Roma panel is very sparse; most of it has not been recovered yet enough of it exists to assure the observer that it is Roma, the goddess of Rome. She is seen sitting upon a stack of trophy arms, which symbolizes that all of Rome’s enemies had been conquered and in conjunction with the Tellus panel, she shows the prosperity and peace under a triumphant Rome. The image upon the Ara Pacis is largely a reproduction since there were only two fragments found. It is not depicted, but it has been argued that upon either side of Roma were the personifications of Honos and Virtus portrayed as young gods. These two figures were common in scenes of triumph and given that they balance out the two goddesses on either side of Tellus, I think that they were probably present in the original relief.
The processions on the north and south side of the enclosure represent one movement. They can either represent Augustus’ romanticized triumphant return from the provinces or, more likely, the inauguratio of the Ara Pacis. In these scenes an observer can see priests and their attendants, magistrates, and Augustus with much of his family. What is notable in these processions is the presence of women and children. The politics and society of Rome was very male dominated and so to have women be represented in a public frieze argues a sort of civic excellence. Together all of these figures are shown moving from east to west, towards the main entrance of the Ara. The procession is being led by the priestly colleges followed by town magistrates and then Augustus as the Pontifex Maximus leading the four flamines maiores. The flamines maiores each represented the three most important gods to Roman society (Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus) and the recently deified Julius Caesar. Following the flamines maiores is Augustus’ extended family being led by Agrippa.
The interior of the enclosure houses the Ara itself. The inside panels are also divided into two sections. The lower section represents the wooden posts that would normally surround a sacrifice and above these posts is a frieze of festoons hanging from bucrania (ox skulls). Between the bucrania are the ritual bowls with which the sacrifice would take place. Approaching up to the mensa there is a final reminder of Augustus. The small frieze to the left depicts the Vestal Virgins and their attendants. On the opposite side would be Augustus if the remnants were found. This depiction of Augustus as the pontifex maximus embeds him into the religion of Rome so that besides being the just, benevolent ruler, he is also an integral part to Roman religion.
III.
A site to perform ritual sacrifices and an altar to Peace are just pretexts for building the Ara Pacis. They undoubtedly performed those functions, but sacrifices could take place in any number of places and I doubt that a citizen would come to the Campus Martius, the field of the god of war, with the intention of paying homage to peace. The real function of the Ara Pacis is as a tool of Augustan propaganda. The religious and mythological iconography of the Ara Pacis was the medium through which Augustus put forth his message and its importance and centrality to Roman society assured that the message and memory of Augustus would be perpetuated. Since Augustus was trying to transform Roman society as a whole I think that the intended viewer could be anybody. Just as the panels had several levels of significance, the Ara Pacis could be understood on several different levels. It was a celebration of peace, a religious performance, a prediction of prosperity, and a display of the honos and virtus of the Roman people. But, in every interpretation Augustus is present and at the forefront.
IV.
Augustus had several goals in mind with the Ara Pacis. I think that above all it is a projection of the image of Augustus into the most holy and important positions of Roman society. However, besides accomplishing a glorification of Augustus and his deeds, the Ara Pacis accomplishes other goals. Augustus wanted to organize public opinion and justify his claims to power. By claiming descent from Aeneas and gens Iulia Augustus is shown as the heir to the Roman republic and is “restoring” it. At the same time as the Ara Pacis justifies Augustus’ rise to power, it also assures its continuance since it legitimizes the Julio-Claudian dynasty that Augustus initiated. Augustus offered himself as the greatest exemplum and tried in his private life and public appearance to be a constant advertisement for the mores maiorum (Zanker 1989). Various Roman virtues such as Pietas and Virtus are reinforced by the iconography of the Ara Pacis.
V.
Despite the millennia and a half hiatus, the Ara Pacis has been an influential monument if only to serve as a reminder of Augustus, the period of prosperity that he brought forth, and as a prime example of Augustan propaganda. Augustus arguably achieved the great vision of Rome that he had. The Pax Augustana was the Golden Age of Roman Literature. In his time Horace, Virgil, and Ovid all wrote their poetry and epics. Ovid’s “Metamorphoses” would later be very influential to such writers as Chaucer and Shakespeare and Virgil’s “Aeneid” would be Rome’s national epic. Although it was lost for most of its existence, it can currently serve as being indicative of Augustan propaganda and architecture.
VI.
In researching the Ara Pacis I found several things surprising. My biggest surprise was how complex and intricate the Ara Pacis is. I knew that it was generally about Augustan propaganda but I did not expect the message and argument to be so thoroughly ingrained into Roman society and religion. I also thought that it was surprising how much of it has been recovered. Even though a fair amount is missing from the panels, there are hundreds of pieces that simply cannot be recognized and thus cannot be placed accurately upon the panels. Considering that it has been underground for about a millennia and a half I think that it is simply amazing that it has almost all been recovered and that it can be reconstructed accurately to how it originally appeared.
VII
Augustus. “Res Gestae Divi Augusti.
A.W. Van Buren, “The Ara Pacis Augustae,” in JRS, 1913. Page 3
B.S. Spaeth, “The Goddess Ceres in the Ara Pacis Augustae and the Carthage Relief,” in AJA, 77, 1994. Page 65.
Galinsky, Karl. “Venus, Polysemy, and the Ara Pacis Augustae,” AJA, 96, 1992. Page 457.
Marlin, Randal. Propaganda and the Ethics of Persuasion. New York: Broadview Press, 2002.
Orietta, Rossini. Ara Pacis. Comune di Roma, 2007.
Zanker, Paul. The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus.
